Episode 011 – What was the Verano Boricua?

[0:00:02 Speaker 0] Mm hmm. Mm. Uh huh. Mhm. Mm. You’re listening to Latin Experts, A podcast of Latino studies at the University of Texas at Austin Latin. Experts features the voices of faculty, staff and students, as well as friends and alumni of the Department of Mexican American and Latina Latino Studies, the Latino Research Institute and the Center for Mexican American Studies. Join us for this episode of Latin experts. Yeah, okay, yeah. Mhm. This is Episode 11. We’re back after a winter break and we’re looking forward to the spring 2021 season of Latin Experts and I’m your host. Karma Chavez. Since Hurricane Maria battered Puerto Rico in 2017, people on the archipelago have suffered from a lack of basic supplies alongside government inaction and outright hostility. In addition, Puerto Ricans continued to be hit by more natural disasters exacerbated by climate change. People on the archipelago and in the diaspora have struggled and protested in innumerable ways, which in some sense culminated in what is called the Voronin very qua, or the Puerto Rican summer of 2019, which resulted in the resignation of its governor. There’s a new book series out that’s designed to reflect on the massive uprisings that rock Puerto Rico during the summer of 2019. And next month. My colleague Marisol LeBron, an assistant professor in the Department of Mexican American and Latino Latino studies here at UT, will release a short bilingual book as a part of the series. And that book is called Against Puerto Rico. Lessons From the Voronova, Rico, about how Puerto Ricans are resisting colonial capitalism in order to foster a life affirming future for the archipelago, which is the subject of our conversation today. This book extends Doctor LeBron’s ongoing research program, including her award winning book Policing Life and Death, Race, Violence and Resistance in Puerto Rico, which came out from the University of California Press in 2019. It examines the growth of punitive governance in contemporary Puerto Rico and also aftershocks of disaster. Puerto Rico Before and After the Storm, which she co edited with Gary Mar Bania, also in 2019. And as I said, I’m very lucky to have her as my colleague Marisol. Thanks for joining me on Latin experts. Thanks for having me karma. I’m excited for the conversation, so I guess let’s just start with some some basics here because I don’t know how much people are going to know. So let’s just start by having you tell us a little bit about what the Voronova Rico was. Yeah, so in July of 2019, there’s essentially two weeks of massive protests that rocked Puerto Rico. Uh, you know, it’s one of the largest kind of protest movements in in contemporary Puerto Rican history. And some of the marches people are, you know, estimate had, you know, half a million people in the streets, you know, kind of the largest marches in Puerto Rico and recent memory. And essentially, the reason why all of these people came out into the streets was to demand the resignation of Puerto Rico’s governor at the time, Ricardo Jose Yo. So Rosario had found himself in quite a bit of hot water. When these chats between him and his closest kind of friends and advisers, they were hosted on the telegram messaging. Uh, they got released about 891 pages from the Center for Investigative Journalism. In these leaks chats, what we see is essentially Rosie Jones closest advisers, you know, engaging in kind of all kinds of, you know, locker room talk is what was euphemistically called at the time, but really misogynistic, sexist, homophobic, racist, classist language throughout really disrespecting Puerto Ricans at a moment where they were in experiencing intense kind of vulnerability, right in the aftermath of Hurricane Maria, Um, in particular, one of the most controversial things that comes out of the chat. And there are just so many is really this moment where there is a discussion about bodies that had been accumulating in the morgues, right? The forensic centers, um, in Puerto Rico and Rosa and his kind of confidence discussed ways to squash the story so that it doesn’t kind of get out the fact that there are so many bodies accumulating that there’s no plan for how to deal with these bodies. And at one point, one of his one of the folks on the telegram chat makes a joke about, you know, feeding the cadavers to a crow, right, having to dispose of the bodies in some way. So these chats get released and people were furious, right? Um, people were furious because of the ways in which it was clear that the upper echelon of Puerto Rican governance was did not care about the people that it was supposedly there to govern on their behalf, right? It was clear that the kinds of conservative logics, the kinds of sexism and racism that ran through that administration. So Puerto Ricans took to the streets to really demand the rococo leave office and not only the rococo leaves office, but that that entire kind of corrupt government apparatus that supported him that took part in these chats, uh, that took part in supporting his administration also leave. Um And so that’s some of what I what I talk about in the book. Yeah, it’s a fascinating read. I should say that you were nice enough to give me an advanced copy of Microsoft Word. So you want the real thing, You know, soon, too. But it’s a fascinating read, and you lay out these details really, really, really well, and it was riveting because I knew some of it, but I didn’t know a lot of it. And I wonder if we wonder if we could talk about the title of your book. So against Puerto Rico, obviously it’s a play on words, but its meaning is more significant than just kind of the play on words. Uh, so I wonder if you could explain the title of your book, right? So, yeah, it’s obviously a play on Puerto Rico. Puerto Rico. Right. So kind of this, this idea of death right runs through through the book and really, this rejection of, uh, necro political governance. Right. So the argument that I make in the book and this, you know, I should say the book in some ways was an opportunity to expand on some writing I had done for Nacala and for for their blog. I had written a piece right when the protests were first happening in July 2019. The, you know, called the protests in Puerto Rico are about life and death, right? And given my body of work, this is obviously a central, central concern of mine. But one of the things that I argued in that piece and that I kind of expand upon in the book is really that Yes, people were in the streets because these chats were leaked. And, um, the kind of content of these chats was were vulgar, shocking, but that that wasn’t the only reason why people were in the streets right there, not just in the streets, because the governor called women whores or called, um, uh, use homophobic slurs or any of that stuff that will obviously incited some of the anger. But what I argue in the book, right is really this idea that what Puerto Ricans were protesting was not just for oh, say, yo, but really all of these kind of local elites and forms of governance that really make people’s lives worse right, that really increase people’s vulnerability to harm and death. Right? And they do so in the service of colonial capitalism in Puerto Rico. Right? And so in many ways, while people were demanding for Harrah’s CEO to step down, they were also, you know, protesting to demand the many of these structures they kill people that make their lives more difficult to make them have to migrate to the United States. Right, because life in Puerto Rico has become, um, unsustainable in so many ways, right? They were calling for those structures to be dismantled as well. Right? And, you know, these protests weren’t just about kind of lodging complaint, but also about, um, formulating new visions for the future, right? About imagining new ways of, um, structuring society and structuring life in Puerto Rico in a way that is really life affirming, right? In a way that values and treasures, um, Puerto Rican life. Right. Um, And so this is what I try to try to say in the book is that what we see in these protests in 2019 is not just about getting Rossio and his cronies, uh, to step down, but really about a rejection of all of these policies and practices. They come together and try to deaden the island, right? They try to create a Puerto Rico. Um and so that’s where the title comes from. That’s a really helpful explanation. Um, I love early on you use the phrase necro political governance, and I think for some people, that term necro political might be an unfamiliar one. But you’ve really laid out what necro political governance looks like. So it’s not just, uh suggesting that we should feed cadavers to crow, but it’s to make life literally unlivable for people there. And so, um, I think it’s a really helpful explanation, and I want to shift a little bit because one of the ways that I read your book is of course, it’s a It’s an indictment, right of of necro political governance. But it’s also a celebration of a particular form of resistance. And so your book is about identifying these lessons. But I wonder if, before we talk about what those lessons are, if you might be able to characterize for us uh, Puerto Rican protest culture, uh, prior to the Puerto Rican summer because there must be a reason why we have some specific lessons from this moment. So what did it look like before? Yeah, that’s a great question. So I mean, a lot of ways why the kind of protest movements of the summer of 2019 are so significant. Um, and this is something touch on in the book is that for many people, they both looked and felt really different than previous kind of protest movements. And I think you know, that was something that was noticed definitely in Puerto Rico, but also in the diaspora, right? And so, like a lot of how I interacted with these protests like I had actually been in Puerto Rico like two weeks prior, and I talked about this in the book and, you know, there was a lot of kind of political mobilization happening in Puerto Rico at the time. But, like, could never have predicted the kind of upheaval it was going to come just like two weeks later, right? But definitely you could feel it that people were fed up with the situation, that this had been something that was mounting since Hurricane Maria since the onset of the debt crisis, really over the past, kind of, you know, 10 years we’ve seen this kind of increase kind of anti austerity, anti colonial kind of militancy. Um, but really, what made the protests in the summer of 2019 really different in many ways? What? We’re kind of the questions of who were the protagonists in some ways, right? And I’m hesitant to use that word because I think, you know, what we really saw was a rejection of traditional protagonists protest protagonists in Puerto Rico. But the folks who were kind of at this front and center in the protests were, um, folks who have traditionally been very marginalized within Puerto Rican. The Puerto Rican political sphere right. So, you know, even radical kind of politics in Puerto Rico is still very kind of white, very male, dominated, very upper class, right? Even among kind of leftist and pro independence organisers. That’s been a chief kind of complaint is, you know, the fact that the folks who are fighting for social justice issues right, um, don’t necessarily always resemble those communities that are the most impacted. And the protests this summer really kind of, um, challenge that in some key ways, right? So we saw women kind of front and center in these protests, Um, in a lot of ways. And so people speculated the the reason why women and queer folks were front and center in these protests was because of the content of the chats. But really, what we’ve seen in Puerto Rico has been that women have have been kind of front and center in protest in in general over the past 10 years. Um, because of the ways that austerity kind of lands on women in in different ways, right? And and impacts women, uh, in in, um, in kind of really severe ways. Right. So, um, women, but in particular, black feminists were really, um, creating the kind of agenda, right? Really? Trying to highlight the ways in which, um, the political conditions in Puerto Rico were affecting the most vulnerable folks, but also affecting folks Writ large rights are really demanding a kind of intersectional analysis that was attentive to the ways in which, you know, wide swaths of the Puerto Rican population were affected by these deadly policies. But the ways in which the most vulnerable were effective. So we saw a lot of, um, queer folks, um, women particularly, um, black women taking kind of leadership roles in these protests. Um, and we also saw a kind of really interesting class dynamics, right? So a lot of working class and low income folks also, um, playing really interesting roles in the protests and making, um, demands. Right? For what kind of Puerto Rico? They want to see what kind of Puerto Rico they want to live in. So, really, the race class and gender dynamics were fascinating, right? And we’re really visible and on display in these protests. And so the argument I make in the book is that we we kind of learn a lot of lessons from the protests of the summer 2019 because of the really kind of unique group that came together at this particular moment. And so I think that I mean, that’s fascinating to it has resonances with the United States proper, the mainland, right, Uh, in the sense that we’ve seen shifts in our movements that have centered black, feminist black where voices as well, uh, and so you know, you think about the transnational nature of, of organizing movements and you see, I think some of the residents is there, but I would like for us to spend so intersectionality the importance of intersectionality and thinking about leading with the voices that are most impacted. But let’s talk through what some of these other lessons are that you’ve identified that were so significant from the summer of 2019. Yeah, so I think some of the you know, I think there was a lot of lessons, right? I I zero in on, like, six in the book, but you know, so the first one kind of being this idea of the importance of intersectional social movements, right, and really, this idea that Puerto Rican social movements have been at their strongest when they have included different kind of tactical approaches. Address kind of issues that cut across kind of social class, the center kind of vulnerable, marginalized voices. Right, That that’s where we’ve really seen kind of Puerto Rican politics at the strongest. And so there was a way in which this the protests over the summer centered that and and serve. It is a really important reminder. Um, some of the other kind of things that that I focus on in the book, right. You know, another another one that I talked about is, like, the idea of pleasure and protests. Right. So the idea that, you know, and this again I think has a lot to do with, Like, who participated in the protest. Right. Um, so one of the kind of most famous events that happens during the protests actually like another last moments in the protest right before. Uh oh. Say, yo, the governor resigns, Right? Is this, um, perro combative? Oh, and this was organized by, um, queer DJs. Right. And where we see, um, queer folks, um, women, uh, really getting down and dirty system had a ghetto music on the steps of the cathedral in San Juan. Right? So, like the oldest cathedral in, you know, the new World, right? So and they’re kind of, you know, they’re they’re dancing, um, to barrio, like, uh, you know, and demanding that the governor resigned. But it really you know, these moments in the protests that become kind of really significant kind of postcard moments, if you will like snapshot moments, right? There are moments that are really about embracing a bodily pleasure and politics and so that, you know, the kind of argument they are making The book is like if we look at these kind of necro political policies that the governor the government’s been kind of pursuing these are policies that literally have fostered, um, the intense increase in kind of rates of femicide in Puerto Rico and, um, hate crimes and killings of trans Puerto Ricans, particularly trans women. Right? And so what we saw in that moment was, um, you know, this barrio combative Oh, becomes this moment of saying like, we’re here and our bodies matter, and you’ve tried to get, you know, wipe us off the face of, you know, the archipelago, and we’re still here and we’re fighting, right? And the way that we’re going to fight is actually through this embrace of our bodies, right? And this pleasure of being in community and in space with each other. Um and so we saw that a lot in the protest rate, The barrio primitivo ends up being kind of the most, um, memorable like moment from that. But, um, there were lots of moments throughout the protests where people really took leisure activities or these moments of being in community and being a pleasure with their, you know, fellow protesters. Seriously, right. And so one of the things I say in the book is that we have to take that seriously, that that’s not this frivolous, silly kind of thing. But they you know, protests should be pleasurable and should center pleasure, because that’s about imagining different ways of relating with one another and and being in community, right? And if so much of how the government is asking us to think is through these extractive models or through these models that cause harm, right, that actually centering pleasure lets us do something a little different. Um, and then some of the other kind of lessons that I talk about in the book, right? Center around the idea of the video kind of elite. Right. Um, so these kind of, um, uh, white landowning families that have been part of the party’s gonna leave for, uh, you know, not only decades but centuries. Right? Um, acknowledging the ways in which that has been a class that has caused much of the immigration and harm, right? Um, other things. I talk about our focus on the role of the police. Right. So I try to go through these various, um lessons and think about the ways in which the protest actually tried to challenge some of these kind of harmful, um, logics and policies, but then also posit like alternatives, right? Yeah, Well, and I think that’s that’s one of the things that’s really, um, significant in here, is you really? You see, you’ve provided a deep analysis, but you’ve also really done a fantastic job of augmenting the analysis, uh, that they were providing, um and I think that’s sometimes very hard to balance. Um, and I think that, you know, especially on the policing us. Of course, you’re big research area. But that section where It’s all about how the police is not the people. Um, even though police are workers, even though they might be working class even though they might be members of the family, Um, that they’re still not, you know, the people in in a sense, I don’t know if you want to see a little more about that point. You haven’t said much about that. But that was fantastic. Yeah, So I mean, and that’s like, you know, this This was actually an opportunity to kind of, like, extend my long standing gripe, right? And so my students who, you know, take classes with me. This is something that we always talking about talk about it in class, right? But really, this idea of you know, a lot of what’s happened in the past, you know, decade, right? Especially with the debt crisis working, worsening is, you know, this idea of Oh, the poor police, they’re like, under resourced. They have to leave to go to the United States like they’re just like other workers who are experiencing these intense forms of austerity. And there’s a way in which that’s true, right? Police work has gotten increasingly more. Um, you know, just the conditions have been horrible, right? So they’re working longer hours. Their pensions are also under attack in certain ways as a result of the attempts of service Puerto Rico’s debt right? But the argument that I make in the book and this becomes clear when we look at the protest is that, like police have repeatedly rejected attempts to join anti austerity protests. So there’s an and we see it here in the United States to. But there’s always an attempt during, um, large scale protests in Puerto Rico to beg the police to join the protest. Right to say, like you are also workers. You are our brothers. You are our sisters, like join us. You’re also being hurt by this government. And what we see is you know, the police don’t join. Instead, they actually start to in those moments and act violence, right? And so there’s a lot of famous scenes that come out of the protests in 2019 where people will be pleading with the police and the police will turn around and shoot protesters with rubber bullets in response or pepper spray the crowd in response, right? And so they actively reject that solidarity. Um, and so the argument that I make in that section is that that is a reminder for us to think about the structural conditions of policing, right? So not just think about, you know, our uncles or brothers or sisters or cousins that might be in the police, right? Or the fact that the police are working under these terrible conditions, but to think about the work that policing that structurally right, which is to, um, maintain kind of social control during these moments of crisis. Particularly in these moments where we see, um, colonial capitalism in in a moment of crisis. Right? And so that’s one of the things that the chats actually reveal. Right? What we see, one of the things that gets revealed through the chats is that the heroes of government it had essentially been working to squash the power of the federal monitor that have been appointed by the Department of Justice to oversee the Puerto Rico Police Department because of their massive civil rights violations. Right. And so we see that actually, the police and kind of governing elites are working hand in hand to, um strengthen the role of the police to strengthen their power and to enact kind of violence against Puerto Ricans. In these moments where they’re asking for a different way of living, write a different experience of of governance, right. The police are there to make sure that that those protests don’t get far right. And that’s what we’re going to see over and over again. Uh, throughout the examples. Definitely. Well, um, I always think it’s good to end on a note like that. That reminds us that the police are there to do. But we are at a time today. So, Marisol, thank you so much for being with us on Latin experts. Thanks so much karma. These were fantastic questions. Uh, and we are all very excited for your book against Puerto Rico. Lessons from the Verona, Puerto Rico, which will be, uh, next month, right? I think so. It should be out soon. And, um, just one thing to also note about it is that I was really excited to work. Um, it’s being published by a press in Puerto Rico. Feminist, queer, um, radical press. And they were awesome and worked with me to make it bilingual. So this will. Also, it’s a really short book. Um, it’s, uh, you know, like under 50 pages each version. But it’s also published in English and Spanish. So, um to make it as accessible as possible to folks both in the diaspora in the U. S. And in Puerto Rico. Awesome. So we will all look forward to check that out again today. Our guest is Dr Marisa LeBron, who is assistant professor in the Department of Mexican American and Latino Latino Studies in the book against Puerto Rico will be out next month. Thank you all for listening. This has been Latin experts high. Oh, this is Ashley novel. Botero’s the communications associate. A Latino studies. Thank you for listening to this week’s episode. Make sure to check out the Latino Studies Instagram page. Follow us at Latino studies ut to keep the conversation going.