British Labour, American Labor, and the Creation of the State of Israel

[0:00:04 Speaker 1] We are very lucky this afternoon to have Adam Howard as our guest. He is the general editor of the Foreign Relations of the United States in the United States State Department. This is an exceedingly important job because it regulates all of the documents about our foreign policy. Ah, we’re also, uh, very glad that this afternoon he is going to be speaking on the question of Palestine and the various pressures that were exerted in different ways on the United States President Harry Truman and the State Department, and not least on the British government. The labor government of 1945 51 eso there is a lot of pressure was being exerted in different ways, not least by British labour. And this is a field that Adam has just written on in his book and a very original way, drawing threads of the evidence and argument together that simply hasn’t been done before. Then afterwards, we’ll ask Bill Brands for a comment, and we’ll hope to bring Jamie Galbraith into the discussion. So, Adam, we very much look forward to hearing you on the question of Palestine.

[0:01:29 Speaker 0] Thank you. Roger. I want to thank Roger. Right off the bat and the University of Texas and the Bridge Studies program for hosting me. I do have to say one thing, though, before I start so that I can speak freely both during my talk, but also during questions and discussion. And that is every view you’re gonna hear out of my mouth during this is my own does not represent the US Department of State or the United States government. So undoubtedly, if we go into controversial territory when it comes to the Middle East, I need that disclaimer out on the table. One thing. And I also want to thank Roger, by the way he wrote a very nice endorsement of a book on the back of it, which I very much appreciated. I’ve known Roger for quite some time. He had served on the Historical Advisory Committee to the State Department historian’s office, So it’s been a long relationship, and I appreciate it very much hosting me for this talk. Now I promised that this for Roger. I promise that would focus in on the pressure specifically on the British so you won’t even hear quite as much on the United States and Harry Truman although I’m happy to talk about that after there is really two components to this project, one of which is the political pressure brought to bear, which there are many non state actors that did this during this time in support of Jewish Palestine, later Israel. But I’ve seen very little work, if any, when it comes to American labor and its pressure that it exerted during this time. It seems the weakening of the American labor movement in the last 30 years, I suspect, has played a role in the lack of attention has received. The other part of the book, which I won’t get into in the talk, is how I argue with the American labor movement and its organizations, operate trans nationally and really operate. I would argue their own foreign policy in terms of its support for those Jews in Palestine between the 19 twenties and the 19 fifties and really be off. Excuse me, be on. But the book stops in the early 19 fifties for the purposes of a cheat sheet. Here. I just put these up. I don’t know how well you can see it, but unfortunately, working in government, I hate having to deal with acronyms all the time, and unfortunately, there’s no way around it with the various organizations that comprise the American labor movement. I only put up those that I will be focusing in on the ones that are most relevant. So, for example, the American Federal Immigration of Labor, the Congress of Industrial Organizations, these air the umbrella federations for which the trade unions individually come under. At this time, they had not yet emerged. They merge in 1955 but for the period of this discussion, from 1945 to 1948 they were still rivals, and they were still very much separate underneath or three of the main garment unions. I’ll be talking about an order of the largest to the smallest. The International Ladies Garment Workers Union, which was led by David Dubinsky during this period. The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, which was led by Sidney Hillman during this period, and the United Hatters Cap and Military Workers International Union, which was led by a man named Max Risky, lesser known of these Jewish labor leaders who played such a significant role when it came to Palestine. There’s also an organization of being mentioning a bit called the American Jewish Trade Union Committee for Palestine. This was the organization founded in 1944 that really pushes on the British very hard, and then the American Palace Night Committee. I’ll mention briefly. That’s not a labor organization, but significant Labour leaders like William Green of the president. The American Federation of Labor this time served on it. It was actually composed of leading Christians in the United States in supporting Jewish Palestine. Now I wanted to start this talk in July 1945. The book goes back to the about four decoration in 1917. But this to me is the most dramatic point to start with and really the most significant when we focused in on the British element because July 1945 for those who look back on that victory for the booklet British Labour Party, those of the house in days. This is where the national health care system comes from for Britain. But for those who supported a Jewish homeland in Palestine, this was more of the same. They had had the conservative government operate in a way that they found incredibly frustrating beginning in 1939 with the McDonald White paper named for Malcolm MacDonald, who was the secretary of state for the colonies of the time. And this was in response to a rebellion or uprising of Arabs that have taken place over a three year period between 1936 to 1939. Now, I would contend, and other scholars such as Tom Segev, who wrote in One Palestine, complete on this, that if you look from 1970 or 1920 when the mandate goes into effect in Palestine for Britain up through them in 19 thirties, with some exceptions, the British governments had been, for the most part, living up to the about four decoration in supporting what we call the issue of the precursor to the Jewish state. However, 1939 is very much a bitter turning point, especially for these American labor leaders. I’ll be talking about because it comes right at the time that Britain is about to go to war with Germany. Hence why there’s going to be this white paper, which calls for the severe limitation of Jewish immigration to Palestine between 1939 in 1944 and after 1944. The complete cessation of all immigration of Jews to Palestine and for American labor leaders, Palestine to this point had been a great practical refuge for those Jews trying escape Europe. Even before the Nazis in the 19 twenties, they supported Palestine as a place for Jewish those Jews persecuted under the programs in Eastern Europe. So for toe have this happen right at this moment with something that was incredibly frustrating for the American labor movement. They had hoped, based on 30 years of consistent pledges from the British Labour Party that had promised to fulfill the battle for decoration that finally, now that the conservatives were out of power, the American labor movement, which had been biting its tongue for the previous several years with conservatives in power, could finally count on a change in policy and having an abrogation of this white paper. The Labour Party proved unwilling, however, something that actually David Ben Gurion, it side note noted, In 1942 he said, Don’t assume all these pledges that we’ve been hearing about mean anything and David Ben Gurion at this time before he becomes prime minister of what would become the state of Israel was in charge of the Jewish Agency, the precursor to that state. And he said, These this is not a promissory note what we’re getting, so be careful once they do, if they do take power. But for American labor leaders, they really believe this was something that was going to happen and their unwillingness to change their policy left many of these American labor leaders feeling betrayed, especially because excuse me, because they felt they had done so much to assist the British Labour Party during World War Two, for example, in 1940 during Britain’s desperate plight and that of the British labour movement generally, the American Federation Federation of Labour had persuaded leaders to form the American Labor Committee to a British labour. You had a FL vice president, Matthew Wall, acting as chairman of this group. You had William Green, the president of the A F L, this time serving as an honorary chairman, and you also had several Jewish labor leaders from these unions serving on the executive board of this organization. This committee sought large financial donations from the A F L unions. Organized local committees charge them with adopting resolutions supporting British Labour through the war, sold subscriptions for books published by the committee, Toe Workers and Friends. It also arranged for dances, picnics, sent donated clothing to Britain and encourage women’s auxiliaries to form sewing and knitting circles to make needed clothing for the bridge. Yet despite teach such as these, which offered essential assistance to British civilians and the British war effort generally American labor leaders remain stymied in their attempts to influence the Labour Party during the post war years. They even early on tried to shame the Labour Party into repealing this McDonald white paper. When, and this is the American Jewish Trade Union Committee. Competing for Palestine publishes a pamphlet in 1945 entitled British Labour and Zionism. And in this pamphlet it includes 25 years of Labour Party pledges as well as its leader statements endorsing a Jewish homeland in Palestine as well as the free immigration of European juice. In the opening page, the committee’s writers asked quote, Are these pledges and this record to be forgot Now, through publications such as thes, this committee hope to compel the Labour Party to stick to nearly three decades of pro Palestine sentiments and If you look at the record of the British Labour Party, it’s consistent. You will not find changes along the way. There are some within the British Labour Party who wanted to try to water down. Sometimes the language. Walter Citrine was one of these. But for the most part they come through in very positive terms when it comes to supporting a Jewish homeland in Palestine, as well as allowing for open immigration of Jews to Palestine. Accordingly, American trade unionists from this time forward denounced the British government’s decision to place what they saw as the material interests of Britain and this government oil for the most part, and that Palestinian Jews and Europe’s dispossess Jewish refugees were left to suffer for it. It’s worth noting that some within the American labor movement cynically supported repealing this white paper, though, since mass immigration of Jewish refugees to Palestine would mean no need for them to come to the United States then. This is something that British officials took note of with great frustration, and I’ll go a little bit further with this good if you look at the late 19th and early 20th centuries, American labor unions had traditionally opposed immigration due to concerns over increased job competition since Palestinian Stein offered an alternative location for European Jewish immigration. Labour leaders opposed to allowing more Jews in the United States championed Palestine as the solution. It was a win win for everybody. Additionally, several congressmen who objected to adjusting to decade old immigration restrictions in the United States, which had prevented numbers large numbers of Jews from emigrating to United States, advocated Palestine is the best solution to the Jewish refugee crisis. Thus most American labor leaders and a majority of congressman found the McDonald white paper the foil with which to focus their energy for the following years. And so again, this is a good example where you can see how ultimately people like Foreign Minister Ernest Bevin, I get very frustrated because they see how things line up for American politicians who see Palestine is a solution, and that puts more pressure on the British government to respond between 1945 in 1948. In addition to recruiting congressional Ella allies in their campaign to influence U. S and British policy, labor leaders also sought the aid of garment manufacturers so it wasn’t limited just to the rank and file unionists. But they also cooperated with garment manufacturers, which is worth noting. Most of them are Jewish, and many of those manufacturers joined the course of trade. Union is demanding open immigration and a Jewish state in Palestine. One such company cabled President Truman on September 27th to complain in this 1945 to complain bitterly of the continued British policy blocking Jewish immigration Palestine. He claimed that it had quote no basis in justice or decency, and he urged that the United States insist that Great Britain fulfill her obligations. This is the beginning of many cables that would come at President Truman to apply pressure on Prime Minister Attlee in his cabinet. Although not always coordinated with their protests, manufacturers and trade union leaders consistently communicated their concerns over Palestine. Now to press their case, the American Jewish Trade Union Committee for Palestine believe personal meetings with British Labour Party officials would make some difference in changing British attitudes towards Jewish immigration as well as the need for a Jewish homeland in Palestine. Now. This is a good example where there were many non state actors involved in pressuring Britain but few would get the ear and the access that these labor leaders would get. And so Max Paritzky, the president of the capital of the United, had cap. Military Workers International Union goes to London as an observer to the extensively to the work to observe the World Zionist Congress. But his main mission was to urge the British Labour Party toe, aggregate the white paper and support Palestine as a free and democratic Jewish commonwealth. Zabriskie traveled England that month and met with several leaders of the Labour Party such as Howard Lasky, Herbert Morrison and Walter Stream, as well as representatives from the Foreign Office and Colonial offices. And so risky presented these leaders with a declaration featuring over 800 signatures from the most influential trade union leaders in United States. He wasn’t just showing up alone. He was showing up with the American labor movement behind him, and these signatures on this document demanded increased Jewish immigration in the national home in Palestine. Zaretsky also provided letters individually from a FL president, William Green, and the CEO president this time Philip Murray as well a CEO Secretary Treasurer James B. Carry. These were the heavyweights of the American labor movement in this period, and they stress that his please or its keys Billy had their backing on the support of the entire organized labor movement in America. In the end risk. These meetings with these officials led him to believe Labour Party leaders would not change their policy by the end of his three weeks stay, he lamented, leaving England quote a disappointed, disillusioned man. The risk is in seek. Instincts proved accurate. In September 1945 newspapers both in Britain and the United States shocked American labor leaders with reports that the Labour Party intended to continue. The white paper immigration policy in late September is risky, expressed his dismay to FL President William Green, remarking quote. It is inconceivable that men at the helm of a great labor movement should without compunction, renege on pledges made by them in all solemnity. In a letter to Philip Murray, Zaretsky referred to the Labour Party decision is quote a stunning blow. He found it incredible that men holding responsible positions in the labor movement as well as in the government of a great nation, should find it possible to dispose of a problem affecting the very lives of tens of thousands of human beings and the future of an ancient people in such a callous, indifferent and inhuman manner. Despite the disappointments, Risky indicated there was hope, telling Murray, the president of CEO, that during his visit to England he learned that the opinions and sentiments of the American labor movement carry a great deal of weight with the British. Accordingly, Ziska urged both Murray and Green to send messages to the Labour Party leadership, which they both did promptly. By October of 1945 American Zionists realized the new British government would be difficult to move on the Palestine issue. Baroque Zuckerman of the World Jewish Congress expressed his concern to Max risky, lamenting quote that we’re going to have a difficult struggle with our labor friends in England. He noted that Zaretsky and Jewish Labour’s leadership will have to take quote upon yourselves a considerable part of that struggle. Jewish labour leadership, though, is not afraid to heed those calls and throughout the fall continued its campaign to convince the Labour Party’s leadership to alter British government policy. That month, the president of the International Ladies Garment Workers Union, David Devinsky, formerly entered the Firestone Storm with a telegram to Prime Minister Clement Atlee. I should note that prior to 1945 Devinsky had remained ambivalent as many other Jews in leadership in these unions, but also the rank and file when it came to the issue of a Jewish homeland. He wholeheartedly supported Jewish immigration to Palestine during the Warriors, and he admired history drew the General Federation of Jewish Workers in Palestine, which play a big role in this book. Because for so many of these labor leaders and the rank and file they see, Histadrut is the backbone of what is becoming this Jewish homeland. And as such, they see this very progressive socialist vision in Palestine coming to bear that they want to help make come to reality. So this all appeals to his both his practical nature of helping Jews get out from under the Nazis, but also the fact that it would provide, or at least would appeal to his socialist sensibilities to have some sort of development of a Jewish homeland that was going toe have a socialist backbone. In this telegram, Dubinsky attacked the white paper as quote an arbitrary and cruel document. But interestingly, he carefully avoided any mention of a Jewish state when he wrote, We appeal to your government for the creation of necessary machinery that would secure the extension and growth of a Jewish national community in Palestine. The addition of Devinsky is powerful voice, though, to the pro Palestine lobby, despite his reticence of the Jewish home or state issue placed even greater pressure on British policymakers Dubinsky of the Ill G. W. And Sidney Hillman. For those not familiar with this history, where major players in the New Deal they had close connections while Franklin Roosevelt was alive. There’s an apocryphal story that during the 1944 presidential campaign, Franklin Roosevelt said clear it was Sydney, meaning anything that had to be approved. Make sure Sidney Hillman has it is okay on it. That’s how important Hillman was to Roosevelt at that time. Also in October of 45 they have felt bodies exerted increased political pressure when its executive council urged the Labour Party to immediately assist Jewish refugees quote whose plight has not received proper consideration since victory. The council castigated Britain for failing to implement about four decoration within a reasonable time and with the result that untold suffering could have been avoided and many thousands of Jewish lives could have been spared. With the Labour Party government only recently in place, the council commented. We know that our friends in Great Britain do not wish to prolong on this to prolong or repeat the tragic mistakes of previous British governments on this issue. October also marked the beginning of protests against British policy by both Canadian and British labour organizations. M J Cold Well, he was the national leader of co operative Commonwealth Confederation of Canadian, or the Canadian Federation of Farm, Labour and Socialist groups cabled Atlee, urging the repeal, the white paper and due consideration given increased immigration to Palestine immediately. That same day, P. Johnson, the secretary of the British National Union of Taylor’s and garment workers, forded a resolution to Foreign Minister Ernest Bevin, noting the unions dismay over reports that the Labour government considered continuing this white paper policy. The Trades and Labour Congress of Canada also joined the voices of protest, demanding a repeal of the white paper. So through this all this fall of 1945 you’re getting the Commonwealth Britain itself and the United States in all their labor movements pressuring this government. In November, the rhetoric aimed at the Labour Party intensified again as William Green, the president of the FL, spoke at the International Christian Conference for Palestine in Washington, D. C. This two day conference featured Christian leaders from 29 countries who demanded unrestricted Jewish immigration to Palestine and again the establishment of a Jewish homeland, as the about four decoration seemingly had called for. Green noted at this that the A F L Executive Council had communicated its hope that the newly elected Labour Party would support Jewish aspirations with regard to this matter. He reiterated that FL leaders were certain British Labour Party officials did not wish to prolong or repeat tragic mistakes of previous British governments. Greed admitted that the council had thus far received no response from the British Labour Party or the British Labour government, and it was growing disturbed by rumors that the Labour Party planned to continue the white paper policy indefinitely. The Labour Party’s plan to maintain policies restricting Jewish immigration to Palestine placed a great burden on US President Harry Truman in early 1945 after being subjected to intense pressure on the Jewish immigration issue, Truman announced his desire to see 100,000 U Jewish refugees allowed entry into Palestine. He continued with this call through the summer of 1945. Prime Minister Attlee resisted this request, though, and during that fall aptly called instead for the creation of a joint Anglo American Committee of Inquiry to study solutions to the problem. Truman agreed to this despite Zionist concerns that this was merely a British stalling tactic. In his boldest language to date on the issue, William Green called out President Truman, stating that the American Federation of Labor will not accept further postponement of the action that is so urgently needed. Any attempt to prolong the unbearable status quo by instituting new investigations of the plight of the Jews in Europe and the possibilities of immigration in countries other than Palestine, well regarded by American labor, is a cowardly evasion of the issue, he asked. Why investigate all over again? Is there any doubt about the fax? And he concluded, exclaiming, We assist upon action now. We will not be satisfied unless we get action now. Green worked on the Zionist issues not only is the president of the EIFEL. But as a leader of the American Palestine Committee, American Palestine Committee referred to itself as a vehicle for the expression of the sympathy and goodwill of Christian America for the movement to reestablish the Jewish National Home in Palestine, Green served on the Executive Council Council, along with CEOs President Philip Murray and US politic political leaders such as representative Claude Pepper, Senator Arthur Vandenberg and Senator Wagner Robert Wagner. In March 1944 this committee had sponsored the National Conference on Palestine, which included Christian organizations working with the A, F. L and the CEO. Similarly, Phil Phillip Murray, the president CEO, served on the Advisory Committee of Americans for Haagen Incorporated, an organization seeking support for the Jewish army and Palestine known as the Haagen on as well as the establishment of a Jewish home in Palestine. These various outlets provided for meant forms for both labour leaders to express their viewpoints on various issues surrounding the debate over a state in Palestine. And if you’re familiar with some of the people I mentioned, you may recognize ah kind of liberal consensus building around this notion that there is unjust injustice being done by the British government and that Jews in Palestine deserve, based on what happened in World War Two to be part of the solution of the post war order. And so this is something that comes through from a lot of organizations. For example, individuals like Frida Kirch Way, editor of the Nation or the philosopher Reinhold. Never these were people who also will back the labour movements. Push on Palestine now American Labour’s admiration for his stud route, the General Federation Jewish Workers in Palestine played a large role in its commitment to Jewish

[0:22:36 Speaker 3] homeland in Palestine. As I

[0:22:37 Speaker 0] alluded to earlier during the immediate post war years, evidence of British harassment of history drew leaders and members affronted American labor leaders. The first of these episodes occurred on November 25th in the November 26 1945 when British soldiers became involved in a violent altercation with Jewish settlers after extensively searching for illegal weapons in the town of Give a Haim in the towns of Give a Haim chef, I am and respond. His dad, Drew, contended that the British were actually looking for illegal Jewish immigrants. The violence caused by these searches led to the death of eight Jews and the wounding of 63 others. In addition to 65 British soldiers who are wounded and 16 British police officers. Histadrut leadership reported British soldiers beating Jewish civilians in Palestine with rifle butts and bayonets and exposing them to tear gas. Green and Mary cabled Atlee for the second time in two months, appealing for a halt to the violence and the abrogation of the white paper. These incidents left Jewish labor leaders bitter, and they continued the arraignment of Labour Party leaders. On December 5th, impatient leaders sent a declaration of Prime Minister Attlee demanding again he fulfill immediately quote your obligations to the Jewish people. The decoration warned that quote patients, even with close friends, must come to an end. One day. In an unusually severe attack on British imperial policy, the leadership described British actions as quote the brutal and treacherous practices of British colonial rule. CEO leaders and organizations also came to his Dutch roots aid, although the A F L A traditionally backed history during the previous quarter century, the CIA was a relatively new organization, first created in 1935 and its leaders had not yet at this point spoken out vocally in their commitment to his stud route or a Jewish homeland, as had their NFL counterparts. Now again, this was due in part to CEOs members, more militant commitment to socialism and inclination to reject national movements, and Zionist seemed to them a nationalist movement. But again, this change during World War Two, as most trade unions began to prioritize the rescue of European Jewry over any ideological opposition to Zionism or Jewish state CIA voices grew louder. In April 1946 when the founder of the CIA, co founder of the CEO and the president of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, Sidney Hillman, urged the British government to quote aggregate the infamous white paper of its Tory predecessor and immediately out allow entry of 100,000 Jewish refugees to Palestine. Hillmann had recently returned from Germany as an American delegate on a mission for the World Federation of Trade Unions. He bemoaned the state of Jewish refugees he visited in displacement camps, the euphemistic term for those survivors of the concentration camps in the death camps who had been placed by the British in these displacement camps. he said, quote. Almost without exception, they were living from day to day with a single thought. A single hope to emigrate to Palestine. One hope for Americans seeking the admission of Jewish refugees into Palestine lay in the 1946 report of the Anglo American Committee of Inquiry. As I mentioned, this was created in fall of 1945 by both Clement Atlee and Harry Truman and composed of a combination of American and British officials. They investigated the various problems between Jews and Arabs in Palestine and sought an equitable solution. On April 20th of 1946 the committee published its findings, which included the call for the immediate admission of 100,000 Jewish refugees to Palestine. Now this is something Harry Truman wanted the year before. British officials balked at the committee’s recommendation, arguing that violent Jewish and Arab reactions against the British government of Palestine made it impossible to mitt so many Jewish refugees. From their perspective, this was just impractical because of what it would spark among the Arabs, and the counter reaction there would be from the Jews in Palestine. On May 24th of Fort 1946 Abe to of UM of the American Zionist Emergency Council, contacted Max Sharetsky regarding British reluctance to enact the committee’s recommendation. He lamented Quote, Our State Department has literally made a football President Truman Splenda decision on this subject and is kicking it around unmercifully to them, implored Zaretsky tohave, William Green and Philip Murray again. Presidents, the iPhone’s CEO send cables to American labor leaders. Zirinsky made the request of Green and Green exhorted FL leaders to contact President Truman to contact Secretary of State Burns and the State Department in general about the need to implement the committee’s call for the emission of 100,000 Jewish refugees to Palestine. These efforts continue to fail, however, and the American Jewish Trade Union Committee for Palestine, led by Max Sharetsky, grew increasingly despondent. June 18th of 1946 and I rate, Zaretsky wrote. Sir Walter Citrine, chairman of the British Trade Union Congress, and Philip Noel Baker, chairman of British Labour Party, repudiating the Labour Party’s connection to American labor, seriously expressed quote, deep sense of disillusionment and in our resolve to combat the current Palestine policy of your government with every weapon at our disposal. He also warned Not until your government has redeemed the good name and integrity of British labour can you continue Regard us as the champions of your party in the United States. Zaurus Keys, attacks and those of these other American labor leaders definitely caught the attention of the bridge Foreign Office During World War two, Foreign Office officials worried about American public opinion on the Palestine issue. An American labor leaders opinions especially concerned them. The Foreign Office recognized labor leaders such as William Green and Philip Murray as very important players in the American polity, and it sought to address their concerns. Despite receiving numerous telegrams from Jews and non Jews from around the world relating to the Palestine issue, British officials gave American labor leaders protests or enquiries explicit attention. As early as 1943 the Foreign Office monitored activities of the American labor movement with regard to its support of history, fruit and other Jewish activities in Palestine. It accomplished this primarily through reading American press reports or, on occasion sending agents to labour meetings in the United States through these means for inefficient officials. Foreign Office officials hoped to keep their finger on the pulse of the American labor movement with regard to Palestine. Typically, they judge the relevance of American labor actions by the power associate with the organization, the A f L C i o the Amalgamated Clothing Workers in the International Ladies Garment Workers Unions were high up on the list. Yes, there was also the United Auto Workers in United Mine workers, other powerful unions. Those unions fell in line, though in the Palestine issue. When the A f L spoke when the CEO spoke. And, of course, the A f L C I o spoke because they were getting the big push from Jewish Labour leadership in these garment unions who were themselves vice presidents. In the case of David Devinsky of the NFL and in the case of Sidney Hillman, he was a co founder of the CEO. Between 1945 and 1946 the Foreign Office noticed the increasingly hostile language that I already referenced employed in American labor leaders, telegrams, letters, public statements and much of the hostility arose from obstacles the British government continue to employ in blocking Jewish immigration to Palestine. In the spring and summer of 1946 American labor leaders focused much of their frustration on the reluctance of the British to enforce that recommendation from that American angle. American Committee of Inquiry and the call for the 100,000 Jews to enter Palestine on May 11th of 1946. Risky, wrote Howard Lasky, the chairman of the executive committee for the British Labour Party, reporting quote. Trade union leaders here are deeply perturbed over recent reports of Labour government reaction following report of the Anglo American Commission. As each week passed with the British failing to implement the committee’s recommendations, the frustrations of Jewish labor leaders escalated. On May 28th the Trade Union division of the National Committee for Labour Palestine Relatively new organization distributed letters to various unions echoing the demand as before. For 100,000 Jews to be allowed to enter Palestine and exclaiming Quote, the voice of American labor must be heard loudly and effectively in the interest of justice and freedom for our suffering people. On June 10th in an unusually indignant speech, David Dubinsky or, in this case, a cable David Dubinsky cable, Joseph Breslaw, who at that time was the chairman of the Trade union to division of the National Committee for Labour Palestine and complained that the committee’s recommendation on immigration was being strangled by an action. Delays, alibis and crash, The nation’s Dubinsky bemoaned, have halted the realization of the commission’s plan of action, While thousands of our uprooted people are dying each month in these camps, crushed between the millstones of heartless political intrigue and moves, Dubinsky emphasized a growing belief among trade union leaders that quote the initiative in this demand must continue, be pressed by our labour movement. He encouraged labour leaders to demand unceasingly that our government does not relax in practical cooperation to carry out the commission’s recommendation defense. He also asserted that American labor must go out to the British labour movement with a ringing demand that they impress upon their government the utter justice of our costs now. Foreign Minister Ernest Bevin exacerbated the situation in June when he complained of agitation in the United States and particularly in New York for 100,000 Jews to be brought to Palestine. He depicted these complaints is M and emanating from self interested New York Jews who quote did not want to many Jews in New York. Bevin added fuel to the fire when he blamed Jewish settlers for instigating British soldiers in Palestine. Bevin charged Quote. You are creating another phase of anti Semitic feeling the British army because of what has occurred recently in Palestine. And there had been a number of terrorist attacks by the right wing extremists

[0:32:10 Speaker 8] within the

[0:32:11 Speaker 0] Jewish polity, namely to your good, which was led by Menachem Begum, who later became prime minister of Israel and also, uh, Zvi Leumi, which known as our lefty, which is known more popular United States. At the Stern Gang, there had been the hanging of two British sergeants. There was the attack on the Camp David Hotel. I’m sure many familiar with this and so this was on Bevin’s mind when he made this statement. Within days, American labor erupted over these comments though the American Jewish Trade Union Committee for Palestine Cable, British Labour Party leaders denouncing Bevin for his vulgar anti Semitic statement. The New York CEO Council adopted a resolution condemning Bevin’s outrageous statements and quote the callous indifference of the British government to the needs and welfare of the tragic remnant of the Jewish people of Europe. The International Executive Board of the Retail, Wholesale and department store union reproached Bevin in the severe ist terms for comments unbecoming a trade unionist. The board also resolved that the British government should open Palestine to Jewish immigration and allow Jewish settlers to arm themselves in self defense against Arab attacks. Canadian locals of the International Ladies Garment Workers Union. I’ve been speaking about his own in American context, but of course they are an international union because they have Canadian locals. The Canadian locals of the aisle, GW joined in escorting Bevin for his remarks Reading with this May. The slur on the American people made by the foreign minister by June late June. Tension between American and British labour leaders exacerbated when British soldiers commenced a three day operation against members of his stud route and the Jewish Agency again, the Jewish Agency is the precursor will become Israeli government. His study, its institutions, including its central offices and its Workers Bank, suffered damage. British soldiers killed five Jews and reportedly searched in damage. 30 settlements. The British government accused Jewish settlers of harboring illegal weapons, but they’re forceful reaction to stressed American labor leaders. On July 1, William Greene and David Devinsky cabled Prime Minister Attlee to express their disgust and on July 3rd, Sidney Hellman and Phill Murray made their last joint act before him. Hillman’s fatal heart attack in the fall of 1946 by sending a telegram to out Lee expressing their quote deep abhorrence of the shocking attacks and protest ING British General Policy in Palestine in an example of international labour unity. In protest in the attacks, British labour organizations joined their American and Canadian counterparts in voicing objection to British actions towards Jewish settlements in Palestine. In July, The London and Leeds districts of the National Union of Taylor’s and garment workers remonstrated against the quote brutal attacks, calling for the punishment of those involved, the release of those arrested and the opening of Palestine again to 100,000 Jewish immigrants. Also, the Union of Mine Workers and Workers Circle Friendly Society joined the call for amnesty of Jewish labour leaders in Palestine. With British trade unions voicing their protests, the Labour Party endured pressure from its own members as well as those of their American and Canadian colleagues, the Jewish Labour Committee. I haven’t mentioned this organization yet formed during the time when the Nazis rose to power, formed in 1934 to be one voice for Jewish labour against Nazism. The organization was very much divided between those Socialists who did not want to engage on the Palestine issue again because they saw it as a nationalist distraction from socialist values and that the Jewish Labour Committee should be saving Jewish trade unions in Europe. But by the end of the war, it seemed hopeless that these trade unions in Europe could ever be resuscitated, and therefore the Jewish Labour Committee, by 1947 and even in 1946 started to show signs that it was going to embrace the calls for Palestine as a Jewish homeland. The chairman of the Jewish Labor Community Committee, eight of Adolf held Senate proposal to Prime Minister Attlee and a foreign minister, Bevin, requesting they receive a committee comprised of a few American labor leaders sent to discuss events in Palestine. The British turned down hell’s request, but the initiation by the Jewish Labour Committee illustrated its new activist stance on Palestine. Adolf Held and Dubinsky also sent a telegram to Prime Minister Attlee concerning reports of the British plan to deport Jewish refugees who had arrived illegally in Haifa held into Vincey argue that such a move would not only be disastrous to the persons involved who have undergone the most brutal suffering under Hitlerism, but would also generate an unfavorable impression upon public of pigeon opinion, which has been restrained by recent events in Palestine like the a f l c i o. The Foreign Office considered the Jewish Labour Committee quote of sufficient importance to Notre apply. Such pressure from an important entity forced British officials to be responsive among individual Jewish Labour Committee leaders, among them David Dubinsky. They arose to play an increasingly prominent role in gaining Jewish refugees access to Palestine and in stating the need for Jewish homeland and in fact, that August Dubinsky met with President Truman to discuss the refugee situation and the homeland issue. In November, both he and the A F L vice president, Matthew Wall, attained an audience with Foreign Minister Bevin in New York to discuss the Jewish immigration problem and the need for a Jewish homeland. Now, neither talk triggered a change in U. S or British policy at that time. But the escalating involvement of high profile American labor leaders provided pro Palestinian activists with increasing access to the most important policy makers, both in the United States and Britain, both during the summer and the fall of 1946. Not even the most prominent American labor officials were going to change British policy in any substantial way in February 1947 Is the situation in Palestine deteriorated? No and more violence broke out between Jewish settlers and British soldiers. British authorities consider declaring martial law Max risky warned that the imposition of martial law would lead to the further deterioration of goodwill towards British Labour government. He contacted seven leading figures within the American labor leader, considering all of the main leaders I’ve talked about already, imploring them to contact not only Ernest Bevin, but also the ambassador Lord Inver Chapel, to call their attention to the dangers inherent in the proposed action for martial law. And he got them all to send telegrams. The British government decided against martial

[0:38:15 Speaker 3] law in this case. Although

[0:38:17 Speaker 0] this publicity did not lead to dramatic policy changes such as repeal of the white paper, it did indicate that the American Labour leadership was having some impact on British policy at the local level in Palestine, Histadrut and the Jewish agencies. Leadership recognised that British officials would not act with impunity against them when FL and CEO leaders consistently Harang British government leaders over their actions. This provided Histadrut and the Jewish agency with a measure of flexibility in their operations that neither would have experienced otherwise. Moreover, this continual pressure exhausted British officials suffering from attacks within Palestine as well as persistent lobbying from abroad. Ernest Bevin announced in February 1947 the British government’s decision to turn the Palestine issue over to the United Nations. British control of Palestine was incredibly costly to the post war budget, given the need to maintain 100,000 British soldiers in Palestine. But justice significantly tremendous pressure been brought to bear by a myriad of non state actors. It’s not just American labor, but this is the story that I don’t think has been told, and hence why I wanted to write the book because of these non state actors. American labor organizations have received little attention on the issue and were involved with the United States government and were involved, as I mentioned earlier in applying when I would call their own foreign policy when it came to building up the institutions within Palestine. Spending money on colonization, building communal settlements, building housing projects for workers in Palestine. Building technical institutes show on multiple fronts. The American labor movement was operating. And if you buy my book, you’ll get to find out all these different angles that they took outside of pressure on the British government. Thank you